Essay - Armed Conflict: Born out of Economic and Social Grievances

UK Essay Writing Service - We accept all subjects. Just send us your instructions. Only £10 per page. www.mywritingassistant.com

Hong Kong Essay Writing Service - We accept all subjects. Just send us your instructions. Only HK$117 per page. www.mywritingassistant.com

Singapore Essay Writing Service - We accept all subjects. Just send us your instruction. Only SG$19.32 per page. www.mywritingassistant.com.

Armed Conflict: Born out of Economic and Social Grievances

There is a time for conflict and for peace. For years, nations had experienced both and the continuous struggle to achieve the latter goes on. Of course, no single nation wants conflict. The problem however is that conflict is dictated, perhaps by time, circumstances or the unrelenting twist of events that force citizens to go over the line. Thus, no matter how nations build and keep peace, conflicts may still arise in the far or near for future. Conflict basically comes in any form and can start from small to an overwhelming force. It can happen in any nation, yet it is no mystery that conflict can be commonly spotted in developing country, where starvation and poverty exists. Where the political structure is weak and often times being ruled by a corrupt and authoritative government. People who struggle on and on can have their limits and in this never ending cycle of power, the oppressed can also dream of getting even with the oppressor. However, because the distribution of power has no end, those who struggle to get equal will eventually hurt other weak people along the way, creating a chain of disaster. Take for example the rebels in South East Asia or the armed bandits in Africa. Rebels who fight for their right cannot avoid but to have heated confrontations with the military and along the way, innocent civilians get hurt and die. Bandits, on the other hand, are obviously no better. Such cycle can stir up social grievances and many more will take arms and alas, armed conflict is born. The thirst for power begets conflict and this can take place in any structure within the society, even in families or social groups. However, social grievance is not the only cause of armed conflict. There is also the economic situation of ones country that can arouse resentment from rebels. As their situation and position is limited in a sense that they cannot change anything through legal means, armed conflict seems the only solution to the problem. But of course, the root of such problems can also be blamed on the political structure of the country, as well as the cultural diversity. There are basically a multitude of reasons of armed conflicts aside from economic and social dysfunctions. Nonetheless, this paper will focus on the two but is expecting to unearth other reasons that help intensifies social and economic unrest. The illustration was illuminating nonetheless, but what would it be without any literature support? That is exactly the purpose of this paper. Here, the view that behind armed conflict in developing countries is a series of basic economic and social problems. Basic economic and social facts on developing countries will be presented as well as literatures about armed conflict and its prevalence in the Third World society.

Facts about Armed Conflict

The Definition of Armed Conflict

According to the Trial Chamber of the United Nations (1995), “an armed conflict exists whenever there is a resort to armed force between States or protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State” (Tadic Jurisdiction Decision, para.7). Lindgren (2004) defines it:  ”…a contested incompatibility which concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths” (p.2). Twenty five (25) deaths basically refer to a minimum of 25 battle-related deaths per year and per incompatibility (Lindgren, 2004). This type of conflict is basically the kind of thing that can be usually heard or watched in the news. The encounter between local military and terrorists, rebels, defected military factions, bandits or even military forces from other states can be considered as an armed conflict.

Types and Stage of Armed Conflicts

            Armed conflict can either be international/inter-state or national/civil affair (Jack, 2003). Jack (2003) added that “it is important to recognize national/civil conflicts are not only internal but transnational in nature, insofar as they take place within a particular international context” (p.9). Example of international or inter-state armed conflict is the Indian-Pakistan issue over Kashmir, while an example of national conflict is the rebellion in Iraq, which emerged from the aftermath of the U.S. Iraq War.

Byrne (1996, p.8), on the other hand, stated that conflict have the following stages: run-up to conflict (pre-conflict); the conflict itself; peace process (or conflict resolution); and reconstruction and reintegration (or post-conflict)

Examples of Armed Conflicts

Armed conflict is often featured and focused in international news. Networks such as CCN and BBC provide updates on such events, as the world watch in sorrow. One good example of armed conflict is the war between the Israeli military and the Palestine Liberation Organization (Lindgren, 2004). People all over the world has been bombarded with the violence that exists within the Israeli state year by year and the Internet has supplied much gore – pictures of victims that have been killed in the conflict. Another example is the armed conflict between the military of the Philippines and rebels such as the Abu Sayaff and the Moro International Liberation Front (MILF). Furthermore, who can forget the genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo, or the continuous violence between Pakistanis and Indians over the Kashmir line? Then, there was also the internal armed conflict in Guatemala, which lasted from 1960 to 1996, being considered as the longest and bloodiest war in the history of Central America (Preti, 2002, p.105). Another one is the armed conflict that took place recently in the former Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina (Trial Chamber, 2004). In addition, past popular wars such as World Wars I and II, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the US-Afghanistan War and the US-Iraq Wars can be considered as major sources of armed conflicts within the concerned nations. Vanasselt (2003) stated that war often leads to the breakdown of law and order, leaving protected areas and species vulnerable to exploitation.

The Prevalence of Armed Conflict

Between 1900 and 1950, 10 or fewer wars typically occurred each year (Sivard, 1996). It increased steadily through the years, and by the end of the 1980s, there were 25 to 35 armed conflicts per year (Sollenberg & Wallensteen, 1997). Wallensteen et al (2003) reported that a total of 226 armed conflicts have been recorded for the years 1946 to 2002. Within those conflicts, 116 were active in the period 1989–2002, including 31 in 2002. There were five wars in 2002 and both numbers were the lowest for this period. Seven interstate-armed conflicts were recorded 1989–2002, of which one was still active in 2002. In 2002, a larger proportion of complex major armed conflicts were resolved, compared with new and minor armed conflicts. Wallensteen et al (2003) stated that although the data on armed conflict they presented suggest that there is a decline in the use of armed force, they found that the is an increased feeling of fear and insecurity in many parts of the world because of terrorism incidents. Furthermore, there is also the increased participation of minority groups. Gurr (1993, 1996) estimated that between 1945 and 1989, over 60% (108 of 179) of minorities in developing countries engaged in politically motivated violence of some kind against authorities. On the other hand, other estimation showed that in a 13-year post-cold war period, 58 different major armed conflicts occurred in 46 locations (Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2003). Smith (2001) also stated that in 1999, more than two thirds of the ongoing conflicts had lasted for more than 5 years, and almost one third had lasted for more than 20 years.

Victims of Armed Conflict

Armed conflict is the executioner of many people. Smith (2002, p.1) stated that between 1990 and 2000, 118 armed conflicts worldwide claimed approximately 6 million lives. People and the ecosystem brutally suffer on such occasions (Vanasselt, 2003), but most often, it is the civilian victims who ended up as the most pitiful. The past wars can provide relevant examples. In World War I, civilians comprised approximately 20% of war-related deaths (Sivard, 1996). Sivard (1991) estimates the percentage of war-related deaths of civilians during various other wars as follows: Spanish Civil War (50%), World War II (48%), and Vietnam War (48%). On the other hand, in the 1980s, nearly 75% of the war-related deaths consisted of civilians. The figure rose to nearly 90% in the 1990s (Garfield & Neugut, 1997; United Nations Children's Fund, 1996; Wessels, 1998).

Causes of Armed Conflict and Its Impact

            The causes of armed conflict vary by nation and by the issues at hand. There are basically many reasons why men clash. Because of such diversity, such reasons and causes are hard to categorize. The problems in South East Asia may have similarities with the issues in Latin America, but nonetheless they have differences because people of different countries experience different situations. Jack (2003), however, stated that the causes of armed conflict are often linked with attempts to control economic resources such as oil, metals, diamonds, drugs or contested territorial boundaries. For instance, Jack (2003) mentioned Colombia and the Sudan, as examples. Oilfield exploration in the two countries has caused and intensified the impoverishment of women and men. He stated: “Entire communities have been targeted and killed, displaced and/or marginalized in the name of oil development” (Jack, 2003, p.8).

            Thus, from the perspective of Jack, the cause of war, civil war or any other embodiment of armed conflict is definitely related to economic issues. Poverty can turn people into greedy, emotionless opportunists whose actions can result into social strife and horror. What happened in Somalia could elaborate this idea more. Somalia is basically one of the poorest countries in the African continent and sad to say, also suffered some of the most ruthless armed conflicts in history. It can be remembered that in the early nineties, power struggle and clan clashes in many parts of Somalia had been prevalent (United Nations, 2005). Two political rival factions struggled for power and wreaked havoc in Mogadishu. Fighting in the streets was common and heavily armed elements increased and took control of some parts of Somalia. Numerous marauding groups of bandits also appeared and took advantage of the situation (United Nations, 2005). Because Somalia is a poor state, power struggles are important for power hungry opportunists. However, such actions can leave a negative impact that would make recovery difficult for the State in conflict. While those factions involved believed they were fighting for Somalia, perhaps they were unaware that conflict results in numerous negative repercussions, both economical and social. Assistance would be needed and has always been needed, as given by concerned countries and the United Nations (UN, 2005). The UNISOM was the program implemented by the UN to help the civilians in Somalia. One of UNISOM’s objectives is to highlight priority actions which were needed to prevent famine and the unacceptably high levels of death and deprivation in Somalia (UN, 2005). The UN (2005) stated that Somalia needed: massive infusion of food aid; aggressive expansion of supplementary feeding; provision of basic health services and mass measles immunization campaign; urgent provision of clean water, sanitation and hygiene; provision of shelter materials, including blankets and clothes; simultaneous delivery of seeds, tools and animal vaccines with food rations; prevention of further refugee outflows and promoting returnee programmes; building institutions and civil society rehabilitation and recovery.

Often times, proponents and participants of war and conflict are the ones who abuse the involved nation’s natural resources. This can also be the reason why a country is left with nothing after a particular conflict. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo in the early 2000 showed a display of this illicit action. The Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict (2003) reported that armed combatants are driven by a desire to control resources and finance their operations by riches gained from the exploitation of key mineral resources: cobalt, coltan, copper, diamonds and gold (p.7). The use of children as forced laborers is a key component in the illicit exploitation of natural resources (WCAC, 2003). Forced displacement, killings, sexual assaults and abuse of power for economic gain are directly linked to military forces’ control of resource extraction sites or their presence in the vicinity (WCAC, 2003). Almost no revenues are allocated to public services, such as utilities, health services and schools (WCAC, 2003).

Generalizing the causes of conflict can only lead to the answer that they can be summed up to two: lack of economic growth and poor governance (Tandon, 2000). This can be reflected from the situation of Third World countries where conflict is at hand. According to the Department for Economic and Social Information and Policy Analysis’ 1997 Report on the World Social Situation, almost one quarter of the world's population live in a state of severe poverty, in places such as South Asia sub-Saharan Africa, China, East Asia and the Pacific (United Nations, 1997). The report also points out that malnutrition, poor water supply, sanitation and hygiene are responsible for 30 per cent of the disease burden in developing countries. The report also shows that discriminatory practices are based on embedded social mechanisms or explicit public policies on the gender division of labor, political contexts, education, households and access to credit (United Nations, 1997).

Theories of Conflict

The Political Economic Approach

Violence can be analyzed from its political economic context. This was first introduced by Keen (1997). In this concept, violence is merely a process of impoverishment resulting from the transfer of assets from the weak to the politically strong (Duffield, 1998). Keen (1997) explained in this theory that In civil war, the political economy is a process, in which there are winners and loser, where the winners are the groups that can place themselves above the law, while the losers are positioned below the law (Keen, 1997; Preti, 2002). Politics is basically a social concern and such opportunists who want to position themselves above the law to gain economic control leave a track of chaos and conflict along the way, hurting the impoverished country. In this concept, it is argued that violence has its own rationality and functionality despite of its chaotic and mad nature. Keen (1997) stated that contemporary conflicts rationally responds to clear economic, political and social dysfunction. For instance, the UN Department of Public Information (2004) reported that in eastern, southern and south-eastern Asia, there are more than 200 million fewer people living in extreme poverty (on less than $1 a day) since 1990. Incidentally, this area is also a center of armed conflict for the past few years – the Tianmen massacre in China, the civil war in Malaysia, Philippines, Cambodia, etc. Furthermore, the social problem between South and North Korea also leads to a number of armed conflicts between the two opposing states. Society is basically structured with the type of government that a country provides. The economy is also molded based on the political structure. Dysfunction of such structures can basically lead to protests, which in return, depending on the type of government, can lead to armed conflicts. Poverty and lack of social recognition brought by the country’s own structures can force its citizen to protest for a change. As Bush had stated after the September 11 attack, referring to the terrorists: "persistent poverty and oppression can lead to hopelessness and despair, and when governments fail to meet the most basic needs of their people, these failed states can become havens for terror" (Mesquita and Root, 2002).

            In the political economic theory of peace, lack of incentives or benefits for the elite and the ordinary people lead to violence (Keen, 1997). Preti (2002) explained that the objective of Keen’s theory is providing realistic economic alternatives to violence, for both groups at the top and bottom of the social hierarchy of the country.

The Positive Peace Approach

Similar in motive to the political economic approach is the positive peace approach. In this approach, Galtung (1996) emphasized that in order to understand peace; there should be an adequate definition of violence. Galtung (1996) defined violence, as cited by Preti (2002), as “avoidable insults to basic human needs, more generally to life, lowering the real level of need satisfaction below what is potentially possible” (p.197). Violence is also categorized by Galtung (1996) into three interlinked dimensions namely: personal or direct violence; structural and indirect violence; and cultural violence. The first one can be divided into verbal and physical, and violence harming the body, mind or spirit (Galtung, 1996). On the other hand, the second one is built into the economic and political structure of the society; manifests as social injustices and defined as unequal distribution of power and resources (Galtung, 1996). Structural violence is then divided into two major forms, which are: repression in politics; and exploitation in economics. However, there is also the third form known as ‘cultural violence’. Cultural violence arises from conflicts that have deep roots in the society’s religion and ideology, language and art, and empirical science and informal science (Galtung, 1996). Basically, this idea or theory in the nature of violence is intertwined with the concept of positive peace approach. Galtung (1996) explained that the structural definition of peace is that it is non-violent and involves creative conflict transformation. This idea itself of what peace and violence means basically suggests the idea that behind conflict is economic and social distress. However, we should not forget that the politics also play a huge role in this process of peace and conflict. After all, politics is known to be linked with the country’s economy as the government is the one that manages the finances and resources of a particular country by creating various economic reforms, restrictions and access to resources, and even chooses the destination of exports and the companies allowed to pursue foreign direct investment on the country. While it is not politics that totally decide peace or conflict in a particular country, they are valuable in the mixture of circumstances that stirs peace or conflict.  For instance, a dictatorial political structure can attract domestic and even international attention as can be remembered on the late Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq. The economic sanctions in Iraq are great examples of how politics influences poverty and wealth in a particular country. The dictatorial approach also created social distress. It led to the creation of several anti-regime factions in Iraq. The dictatorial image of the leaders of Iraq eventually led to a bloody armed conflict. There are Iraqis who supported the US troops because they believed that it was Hussein’s regime that caused them their poverty. These statements are safe because these issues were widely available in International news broadcasts during the time of conflict. This example not only applies to this theory but also to the previously mentioned political economic approach.

Galtung (1996) did not only define peace, but also divided them into two types, namely: positive peace and negative peace. Galtung (1996) defined negative peace as the absence of violence of all kinds. Positive peace on the other hand, is defined as a supportive system of cooperation beyond a passive peaceful coexistence (Galtung, 1996). Positive peace is divided into three dimensions. They are: direct positive peace; structural positive peace; and cultural positive peace. The first one refers to fulfilling all the basic needs of the citizens, i.e. survival, well-being, freedom and identity. Then, structural positive peace means substituting freedom for repression and equity for exploitation. Finally, cultural positive peace refers to substituting legitimization of peace for the legitimization of violence and building a positive peace culture (Galtung, 1996).

The Integrated Approach

Both of the approaches mentioned above offers understanding on how poverty and social issues affects armed conflicts or conflict or violence in general within the society. However, both also have limitations in their own rights. Thus, Preti (2002) presented and suggested a framework that is based on the combination of both. This framework is called the Integrated Approach. In this new approach, three main characteristics have been introduced. The first one is the interaction between structures and actors. One of the limitations of the positive peace and the political economic approach is that they only tried to understand the particular agenda of actors or social groups. In the integrated approach, the aim is to also understand how agendas combine and strengthen a particular economic and social system of power and profit (Preti, 2002). The second interaction, on the other hand, is the interaction between functions and causes. Here, it is stressed that causes of conflicts such as political and economic inequality, social exclusion, and cultural discrimination can be considered as functions from the point of view of social groups interested in maintaining a situation of inequality (Preti, 2002). It can be explained that one of the main reasons why some social groups wants to maintain situations of inequality, discrimination, or social exclusion is because they want to maintain their position in the level that they are confident with. It’s basically a struggle for power. The functions of social groups or the government can be used and twisted for the sake of attaining or maintaining something that they want. There can be a government department which function is to balance the economy of a particular sector, with whatever means necessary. Finally, the third characteristic is the interaction between interests and needs. This is a combination of Keen and Galtung’s characterization of interests and needs. Keen stated that the basic interests driving violence are long term i.e. political and short tem i.e. economic, security and psychological. Preti (2002) explained that Keen’s idea reminds him of Galtung’s basic distinction of needs, which include: security, welfare, identity and freedom needs.

The Identity Theory

            Another example of a theory of conflict is the identity theory of Schlee (2004). Schlee (2004) argued that many social scientists offer theories of conflict which focus the resources that contending parties fight about. Schlee (2004) shifted the focus on the subjects of conflicts rather than the objects of conflict. Schlee’s (2004) identity theory is constructed in three main and interconnected components simply named A, B and C. Component A refers to the social structures and their cognitive representation. Schlee (2004) believes that social identification takes place by ascribing certain values to different dimensions.

Such dimensions could be language, religion, or “various types of identification appealing to descent or metaphors of descent” (p.137). In the theory, identity concepts in such domains are forms of semantic fields rather than isolated words. Schlee (2004) stated that “They are parts of taxonomies and defined by contrasts and equivalences with each other” (p.137). Basically, “The range within which identities can be changed or manipulated is limited both by the systemic logic of these semantic domains and by social convention” (Schlee, 2004, p.137).

            The second or the B component is the politics of size and their inclusion and exclusion. Schlee (2004) gave his attention here to the size of the groups or categories defined by alternative identity concepts. Here, he explained that one can opt for wider or narrower identities within the same dimension. For instance, the small sects in the Christian religion are definitely narrower identities of the original Catholic or the Protestant version. Schlee (2004) also explained that dimensions can be changed depending on the decision of the group to gain wider alliances or to accept people that are not previously welcomed by that group. Basically, the change in one’s identity can affect many other identities that have contact with the former.

            In the C component, Schlee (2004) explains the economics of the group size. In this level, Schlee (2004) stated that “narrower and wider identifications have to be analyzed in terms of costs and benefits for those who make decisions about them and for those who are affected by such decisions” (p.137). Schlee (2004) added that costs and benefits may be unintended consequences of identifications or they might be the reasons for them. All in all, Schlee (2004) argued that against the economic position (level C), one has to take into account the place of the decision-makers within given identities (level B) and the logic of the semantic fields within which they operate (level A).

The Situation in Africa

            The theories of conflict presented above presents an understanding on the different relationships that takes place within a nation that might result in violence or in peace. Those theories can be related with the current situation in most parts of Africa. For instance, in the Sub-Saharan African region, Orogun (2003) stated that the pervasiveness of economic resources stimulate violence and conflict-diamonds-sustained civil wars have become the hallmarks of the military confrontations in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The situation is the same with the condition in West Africa, specifically referring to the civil wars in Sierra Leone and Liberia (Orogun, 2003). Again, blood-diamond is the reason for the conflict. In Central Africa, the worst happened in the form of the interstate armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo that led to the death of over 2.5 million people (UN OCHA, 2002). Orogun’s statement for this disaster largely reflects the previously mentioned conflict theories. Orogun (2003) said: “…commercially driven warlordism, predatory reign of terror, and rule of impunity have exacerbated the humanitarian tragedy, misery, and destitution of millions of Africans in Central Africa’s unprecedented economic violence-sustained political economy” (p.286). In Southern African Region, the most known armed conflict is the civil war in Angola. The war was waged between the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) government and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) rebel movement, which main reason was the control of diamonds and petroleum natural resources (Orogun, 2003), similar to other roots of conflicts in other African nations.  

            Basically, the main causes of the situations of armed conflicts in all of the African regions are the control of the economy and political power. Based from the theories presented earlier specifically the integrated approach (Preti, 2002), the desire to control the economy can be categorized within the actor and structure relationship. The actors in Africa’s armed conflicts are obviously involved within the actor/structure, functions/causes and needs/interests interaction. Furthermore, the situations can also be linked with the Identity theory of Schlee (2004). It was noted that economic decision-making (Level C) within groups comes first, deciding for the costs and benefits of the answer. Level B on the other hand pertains to the scope of the group’s influence, while Level A pertains to the identification of society, of how realistic the goal would be.

            The main cause of violence in Africa comes in every type mentioned in the positive peace theory. Direct conflict basically takes place with the actual fighting and killing going on within warring states in different regions. This direct violence is usually delivered during raids and invasions, with direct assault on the perceived targets. As mentioned, millions have already died out of direct violence within the country. It is basically the action itself committed. However, a much deeper root can be traced within the economic, political, social and cultural structure of the African society. Being diverse in language and ethnic groups, the continent is vulnerable to conflict as different ideas, beliefs, interests and needs clash. This interaction between interests and needs was discussed in the theories of conflict mentioned. Most likely, there are Africans who are fighting for freedom and security, while there are those who resort to armed conflict for long-term needs such as political control, or to short term economic goal.

Democratic Republic of Congo

            The DRC is one of the most controversial countries in Africa to date. With the total population of 59,784,400 as of 2004, crises in the country shocked the world in awe and disbelief, i.e. the genocide incident that killed millions of people. The country is basically diverse, specifically in language, religion and ethnic groups (CountryWatch, 2005). Its official language is French, but there are other ethnic languages being used such as Lingala, Kingwana, Kikongo and Tshiluba (CountryWatch, 2005). Religions in the country include Roman Catholic, Protestant, Kimbanquist, Muslim, and other sects and traditional beliefs. There are also a number of ethnic groups such as Luba, Kongo, Mangbetu Azande, Mongo and other unspecified (CountryWatch, 2005). DRC is mainly surrounded by other African nations such as Angola, Congo, Zambia, Central African Republic, Uganda, Sudan, Burundi and Rwanda.

Economic Grievances

Such features of the DRC can be easily analyzed with the Integrated Theory presented by Preti (2002). The interaction of actors and structures has a deep history of conflict in the country formerly colonized by Belgium. The structure of the Congo in the past was a colonized state longing for independence. We all know the restrictions for being a colonized state, which basically involves limited political and economic freedom, and furthermore, being treated as third class citizens. The fight for DRC’s independence in the late 1950s can be categorized into violence of all forms based on the positive peace theory. However, it may be most appropriate to categorize in the structural and indirect root of violence. Basically, unequal distribution of power is the main problem of a colonized state. Culture can also be a conflict as Africans have different cultures from Europeans. The mutiny against European officers in July 1960 can account for this longing for control of the people of Congo (CountryWatch, 2005). Started by the Alliance of Congo People (Abako) in 1956, independence was granted to the country, but unfortunately the structural root of violence has remained intact and unfixed. Preti (2002) stressed that to have lasting peace; the country must take into account the structural roots of conflict. If not, violence can exist in peacetime and can juggle the peace accord. Nonetheless, the structural root has been the lack of effective political system. The country is plagued with rampant political instability (CountryWatch, 2005, p.30). This can be traced from the early years of self-rule, being new and not being used to independence. Such conditions paved way for power grabbing from different parties that have been the source of conflict in the country ever since. To link with the Political Economic theory, armed conflicts and civil wars in the country has been based on economic benefits and interests of the elite and the ordinary people. For instance, Mobutu rebelled against the first president in the 1960 because of discontent and personal motives (CountryWatch, 2005, p.30). But then, he got the taste of his own medicine as when after widespread discontent with his rule in 1989 and 1990, DRC became caught up with the intense ethnic violence in the neighboring Rwanda. In October of 1996 Rwandan troops formed an alliance with rebel forces in Zaire (former name of DRC during Mobutu’s rule) under the direction of Laurent-Desire Kabila to create the Alliance des Forces Democratiques pour la Liberation du Congo-Zaire (AFDL). They succeeded in ousting Mobutu, and then the conflict in the Central Africa spread like wild fire. This can be taken into account with the relationship between functions and groups, and interests and needs. The function of such alliance is to create armed conflict to replace the leader with someone they can control, backed up with their interests and needs. The existence of terrorist in the country such as the Army of the Liberation of Rwanda (ALIR), backed with their own cause for violence, has worsened the situation (CountryWatch, 2005).

The existence of armed conflicts in DRC is possible to link with the country’s economic condition. Basically, the country of DRC is rich in resources with strong point in agriculture, food and mineral exports (CountryWatch, 2005). However, resources are badly managed in this country, being laid to waste by the destructive trail of war. Orogun (2003) stated: “…rapacious pillaging, looting, and expropriation of the vast mineral and other natural economic resources of the Congo (DRC) by all participants/belligerents in the deeply fragmented geopolitical entity” (p.286). External debt of DRC is estimated at 280 percent of GDP or US$13 billion, most of which has been accruing in arrears for nearly 10 years (CountryWatch, 2005). Furthermore, GDP fell by 4.4 percent during the year 2001, following declines of 6.2 and 4.3 percent in 2000 and 1999. CountryWatch (2005) further reported that “…war-damaged roads impeded internal commerce, while widespread plundering of natural resources continued” (p.37-38). Thus it can be hypothesized that the continuity of civil conflict is intensified by the damaged economy of the country. Based on the Identity Theory of conflict, the economic position of the militias and rebels and other factions is challenged by their situations. Most decided to pillage and to abuse resources to survive, without any regards about the semantic fields on which they operate. Of course, most groups came from neighboring states that don’t care obviously about the consequences of their actions in DRC.

Liberia

            Liberia is one of the countries caught in the conflict in DRC and has suffered social and economic problems. Liberia is a country with a population of

2,851,900 and uses English as their national language. The social structure of this country is as diverse as DRC, with a total of 8 ethnic groups and 4 key religions. The ethnic groups include: other indigenous groups (41%); Kpelle (17%); Bassa (10%); Kru (10%); Gio (6%); Mawe (6%); Buzi (5%); and Americo-Liberians (5%) (CountryWatch, 2005b). On the other hand, religions include: indigenous beliefs (40%); Christians (40%) and Religion (20%). Having suffered enough conflict, there is a strong implication on each groups and religions mentioned as they are the ones who receives the blows of the conflicts as well as their aftermaths.

Social Grievances

            According to CountryWatch (2005b), civil war between 1989 and 1996 drove hundreds of thousands of Liberians into neighboring countries as refugees, dwindling the population from 2.7 million in 1989 to 1.5 million in 1997. The effects of the civil wars in the country are widely distributed from political, economic to social. Basically, the root of such armed conflicts in Liberia can be easily predicted to have come from the increasing social problems in the country, even in the past.

            Because of low income, poor infrastructure, and the long civil war, literacy is low in Liberia even when compared to other sub-Saharan African countries (CountryWatch, 2005b). However, such reality can be easily linked with the rise of conflicts in the country. Being illiterate means having limited communication capability which might increase the chances of not being able to successfully cope with anger, frustrations, and anguish. Unfortunately, the advent and aftermath of war only increased this concern.

            Territory and patriotism can also be the social issue that had ignited the civil wars in this country. In December 1989, rebels led by Charles Taylor invaded from neighboring Cote d'Ivoire, also known as Ivory Coast, with the intention of overthrowing Doe's regime (CountryWatch, 2005b). By August 1990, the instability of the country led United States Marines to rescue about 60 Americans from the United States Embassy in Monrovia (CountryWatch, 2005b). A month later, the rebel forces assassinated Doe, constitutional government was suspended, and civil war followed (CountryWatch, 2005b). Liberia’s situation was not merely a quarrel between warmonger warlords but was, in part, a war between the American coast and the indigenous interior. The freed American slaves dominated Monrovia virtually since their first arrival. Even after decades of struggle in which the number of Americo-Liberians admonished to only a fraction of the population, they remained in control. Because Americo-Liberians were linked after World War II so closely to the United States, they came to represent modernity to Liberia (CountryWatch, 2005b). For this reason, the civil war in Liberia was also a war against modernity. The civil war thus brought a return to many customary practices (CountryWatch, 2005b).

            The conflict stopped in 1997 and civilian rule began to emerge. However, the civil war tensions again began to mount in 2001, with the rebel movement, Liberian United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), carried out an offensive in the northern country of Lofa (CountryWatch, 2005b). One of the reasons for the rebellion is the lack of confidence on the government, blaming them for the social and economic problems of the country. Before the rebellion in 2001, Liberia faced land and food crisis. In 1998 and 1999 food became available in Liberia, but prices were untenable. Professional salaries average a mere $25 per month whereas rice (a food staple) during this period cost approximately $40 per 50 kilo bag-about enough to feed a family of four for one month. While prices have leveled off in recent years, they have not decreased and salaries have not augmented to any significant degree (CountryWatch, 2005b).

            Another issue that instigated the new civil war was the continuous problems on human rights abuse. Human Rights Watch has argued that Liberians continued to fight regular harassment, extortion, mistreatment and torture by both police and the armed forces (CountryWatch, 2005b). Basically, such social issues were big enough to start a new conflict within the country. But then, such steps are necessary even though it will result in further social problems. Retaining such government could only create more sorrow and suffering for the people of Liberia.

            The aftermath of the conflict continues to reflect social unrest within the country. Herminger (2003), a National Catholic Reporter, stated: “There are an estimated 500,000 displaced persons within Liberia -- this in a country of some 3 million -- as well as small pockets of Liberian refugees in neighboring countries. Many of those displaced have nowhere else to go and remain leery of returning home, their minds and bodies seared by the memories and physical scars of torture, abuse and, in the case of many women, rape”

            The situation of armed conflicts in Liberia is compatible with the political economic approach. Basically, the political structure of Liberia determined the country’s fate right from the start. With the diverse population of the country, there are those who were unsatisfied on how the government governs the country. This unsatisfactory feeling leads to resistance which had caused the armed conflicts to arise and destroy most of Liberia’s resources.

Ironically, resources are also one of the main causes of the conflicts, which can be related to the positive peace theory. What existed in Liberia under the former rule was a negative peace situation, which makes the rebels fight for positive peace, thus making Liberia’s situation also compatible with the positive peace theory. The political structure, economic situation, and cultural inequality had all led to bloodshed in the hope to create a positive peace for Liberia. With both political economic approach and positive peace approach compatible with Liberia’s situation, it can be said that the integrated theory is also compatible as it is the combination of the two theories mentioned.

Discussion and Conclusion

Indeed, it is correct to say that there is a time for conflict and peace because of the fact that it is the circumstances over time that cultivates them. The cultivation of violence takes many social, economic, political, cultural and even personal components. In Africa, most countries have been colonized for over a period of time, leaving them inexperienced after independence. Self-rule is not easy, but rather a painful learning experience. Based on the DRC case study, political instability is the main cause of armed conflicts. Politics control the economy, which unfortunately because of its unstable character and the inability to protect resources; economy breaks which in return can result in more conflicts. The Integrated Theory showed us that the interaction between interests and needs can basically result in conflict, along with the interaction of functions and causes of groups within the society. Because most actors differ in perception among those variables, conflict manifested easily. Others perceive that their cause is to control economic resources, with the interest to earn, and the function to kill those who oppose. In their own view, such actions are needed to survive. Those who oppose them might believe the same or might have different perceptions. In the end, armed conflict can be chosen as the only option to settle such differences. Its impact may be devastating, but for others, they think of this as the only way to heal the nation’s economy and society.

            In the Liberia case study, both the political economic theory and positive peace theory can be greatly reflected. The reason for such conflict in the country is the lack of trust of the citizens on the government. This is understandable as the mistakes of the government are obvious, for instance, the lack of food distribution and the prevalence of human rights abuse. There was an unfair treatment and as a result, there are some who desired to acquire a positive peace in the country. The situation in Liberia is not that different from the situation in DRC. Perhaps the only difference is that in DRC, it is the warlords who created the economic and social unrest, while in Liberia, the government is held responsible for such problem. But to sum it all up, it can be observed that both social and economic grievances arise depending on the political structure of the country – on whether it is strong or weak; reliable or not. This suggests a new theory which might have research potential in the future. For instance, the structure of the government in European countries can be considered as strong because of it doesn’t produce armed conflict, while in country’s like DRC and Liberia, the government is unreliable and weak which then creates social injustices that in turn creates social grievances, which in turn results to conflict. The same thing can be said with how the government handles the economy. The citizens are not passive individuals, but active ones that react to how they are being treated and led by their government.

References:

Boss, L.P., M.J. Toole and R. Yip (1994) Assessments of Mortality, Morbidity and Nutritional Status in Somalia during the 1991–1992 Famine: Recommendations for Standardization of Methods. JAMA Vol.272, No.5; pp.371–6.

Byrne, B., (1996), ‘Gender, Conflict and Development’, Vol. I: Overview, BRIDGE Report 34, Brighton: BRIDGE/Institute of Development Studies

CountryWatch (2005). Congo DRC Country Review. Houston, Texas. USA.

CountryWatch (2005b). Liberia Country Review. Houston, Texas. USA.

Dowell, S.F., A. Toko, C. Sita, R. Piarroux, A. Duerr and B.A. Woodruff (1995) Health and Nutrition in Centers for Unaccompanied Refugee Children: Experience from the 1994 Rwandan Refugee Crisis. JAMA Vol.273, No.22; pp.1802–06.

Duffield, M. (1998). Aid, Policy and Postmodern Conflict. University of Birmingham, School of Public Policy, Birmingham.

Galtung, J. (1996). Peace by Peaceful Means. Sage: London.

Gardam, J. and Charlesworth, H. (2002). Protection of Women in Armed Conflict. Section 2 Workbook/Readings/5 Protection of Women in Armed Conflict

Garfield, R. M., and Neugut, A. I. (1997). The human consequences of war. In B. S. Levy & V. W. Sidel (Eds.), War and public health (pp. 27-38). New York: Oxford University Press.

Guha-Sapir, D. and Gijsbert, W. (2004). Conflict-related Mortality: An Analysis of 37 Datasets. Disasters, Vol.28, No.4; pp.418–428

Gurr, T. R. (1993). Minorities at risk: A global view of ethnopolitical conflicts. Washington, DC: U. S. Institute of Peace Press.

Gurr, T. R. (1996). Minorities, nationalists, and ethnopolitical conflict. In C. A. Crocker, F. Hampson, & P. Aall (Eds.), Managing global chaos: Sources of and responses to international conflict (pp. 53-77). Washington, DC: U. S. Institute of Peace Press.

Gurubacharya, B. (2005). Hundreds of children orphaned, maimed, killed in insurgency-torn Nepal. AP Worldstream; 1/9/2005

Herlinger, C. (2003). Liberia – Holding on to Tenuous Peace (online). Available at: http://ncronline.org/NCR_Online/archives2/2003d/112803/112803n.php [Accessed: 02/20/05].

Human Rights Watch, (2002), ‘International Justice for Women: The ICC Marks a New Era’, Human Rights Watch Backgrounder, 1 (online). Available at: www.hrw.org/campaigns/icc/icc-women.htm [Accessed: 01/29/05].

ICRC (2003). Women and War: Special Report. Geneva.

Jack, A.E. (2003) Gender and Armed Conflict: Overview Report. Bridge Development Gender. University of Sussex, London. 

Keen, D. (1997). A Rational Kind of Madness. Oxford Development Studies, Vol.25, No.1. 

Lindgren, G. (2004). Peace, Conflict and Development (online). Available at: http://www.anst.uu.se/goranlgr [Accessed: 01/29/05].

Malakunas, K. (2001). ‘U.S. Cluster Bomb Attack Kills Nine, Empties Village’, Agence France-Presse, 25 October 2001

Marfin, A.A., J. Moore, C. Collins, R. Biellik, U. Kattel, M.J. Toole et al. (1994) Infectious Disease Surveilance during Emergency Relief to Bhutanese Refugees in Nepal. JAMA Vol.272, No.5; pp.377–81.

Murray, C.J.L. and A.D. Lopez (eds.) (1994) Global Comparative Assessments in the Health Sector: Disease Burden, Expenditures and Intervention Packages. World Health Organisation, Geneva.

Orogun, P.S. (2003). Plunder, Predation and Profiteering: The Political Economy of Armed Conflicts and Economic Violence in Modern Africa. Perspectives on Global Development and Technology, Volume 2, issue 2; pp.283-313.

Preti, A. (2002). Guatemala: Violence in Peacetime – A Critical Analysis of the Armed Conflict and the Peace Process. Disasters, Vol.26, No.2; pp.99-119.

Save the Children (2001) Nutritional Survey Report: Kohistan District, Faryab Province Northern Afghanistan. Save the Children Federation Inc.

Schlee, G. (2004). Taking Sides and Constructing Identities: Reflections on Conflict Theory. Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.), Vol.10, No.1; pp.135-156

Sivard, R. L. (1991). World military and social expenditures 1991. Washington, DC: World Priorities.

Sivard, R. L. (1996). World military and social expenditures 1996. Washington, DC: World Priorities.

Smith, D. (2001). “Trends and Causes of Armed Conflicts.” Berghof Handbook for Conflict Transformation. Berlin: Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management.

Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2003). SIPRI Yearbook 2003: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Tandon, Y. (2000). Root Causes of Peacelessness and Approaches to Peace in Africa. Peace and Change, Vol.25, No.2; pp.166-187.

Trial Chambers of the United Nations (1995). Decision on the Defence Motion for Interlocutory Appeal on Jurisdiction, Tadic Jurisdiction Decision, Paragraph 70. IT-94-1-AR72 (RP D6413-D6491).

The Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict (2003).  The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). New York, NY (online). Available at: www.watchlis.org [Accessed: 01/29/05].

United Nations (1997). “ ... but Severe Poverty Afflicts a Quarter of the World Magazine”. UN Chronicle. Volume: 34. Issue: 1; p.33.

United Nations (2004). Implementation of the recommendations contained in the report of the Secretary-General on the causes of conflict and promotion of durable peace and sustainable development in Africa. United Nations General Assembly Report

United Nations Children's Fund. (1996).The state of the world's children 1996. New York: Oxford University Press.

United Nations Children's Fund. (1997). The state of the world's children 1997. New York: Oxford University Press.

United Nations Department of Public Information (2004). UN finds progress on world anti-poverty goals, but crisis areas remain. United Nations Press Release.

Vanasselt, W. (2004). Armed Conflict, Refugees, and the Environment. World Resources 2002-2004 Box 2.1; pp. 25-27.

Wallensteen, P., Eriksson, M. and Sollenberg, M. (2003). Armed Conflict, 1989-2002.  Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 40, No. 5; pp.593-607

Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict (2003). The Impact of Armed Conflict on Children in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). New York, NY.